The Zoos Are Really Very Cruel to Wild Animals Essay Example for Free

The Zoos Are Really Very Cruel to Wild Animals Essay All I can say is that through my opinion zoos are really very cruel to wild animals. Why is this so ? Well because they don’t think of the wild animals habitat and the liberty which they need. The shock of being in captivity would actually depress the animals; they would even act violently and might hurt people near them. And it is not the animal to be fault. Firstly, the ecosystem became unbalanced. Secondly If the humans kept the wild animals in the zoo, they will ruin their food chain. Animals need to run a lot, but their kept in the zoo where it is lack of spacious area. They need to hunt for their own food, however while in the zoo the foods are provided. There is no freedom for the animals for being kept by humans. Worst case possible is animals would get depressed and attack people randomly. People should not blame the animals if they got attacked; it is their own fault for keeping the animals in cages. Animals can die prematurely in zoos. For eg. In 1991 twenty-five Asiatic Lions were born in zoos around the world 22 of them died. In the same year 166 cheetahs were born in zoos, of which 112 died. And the last but the most important is that the animals are born naturally in the wild and us humans cannot provide them what nature gives for their needs. This is the crucial motive where animals should be freed   Or they should put them in sanctuaries instead and ask people to do animal safaris if they wanted to see the animals . at least the animals will get their freedom and live in peace.

Cultural Awareness in Counselling Practices Essay Example for Free

Cultural Awareness in Counselling Practices Essay I have chosen to focus this assignment on the Aboriginal and Vietnamese cultures. I hope to be working in an area which will have these two cultures as the dominant groups. The reason I have focussed on Vietnamese refugees instead of the culture of Vietnam as a whole is that the facility I hope to work in has refugees as its main client group. I will give an overview of my research into how best to work in a counselling relationship with people from Aboriginal and Vietnamese cultures, ensuring that I am as culturally sensitive and aware as possible. Aboriginal culture and counselling: Most research indicates that cultural barriers are the major reason why Aboriginal people are discouraged or dissuaded from using the mental health service. As practitioners, counsellors have often failed to identify, acknowledge and recognise the central role of Indigenous culture. Historically, there has been a long period of mistrust among the Aboriginal people and white Australians. Federal governments for much of the twentieth century developed paternalistic policies and practices that regarded the removal of children from Aboriginal families as essential for their welfare. Continuing statutory responsibilities for the protection of children have made many Aboriginal women fear approaching the Department of Family and Community Services for assistance, especially in domestic violence and child abuse issues. It is a fact that Aboriginal people have and continue to experience being discriminated against by white Australians. A large socio-economic gap exists between white Australians and Aboriginal people. Despite there having been recorded experiences of both Aboriginal counsellors and non-Aboriginal counsellors attempting to keep Aboriginal clients engaged in the mental health service, it is evident that some Aboriginal clients may only turn up for one or two sessions but drop out of the system. The possible factors behind their lack of motivation to keep engaging in counselling service may lie in the means of assistance they are looking for. The problems of engaging Aboriginal clients in mental health services exist mainly because mainstream services have not provided relevant responses to their crisis situation. Aboriginal clients would first seek practical assistance such as refugee accommodation and food, and they would also seek assistance from their families, extended families or their own communities. Aboriginal people have retained strong kinship ties and extended family commitments. As in traditional times, Aboriginal people feel a great obligation to their kinship ties. The extended family will always be first in helping if there is a crisis or even a slight problem. Only when they cannot get enough or suitable help from their extended family or their own community, will they turn to outside help or support. There are particular issues to be aware of when working in a counselling role with Aboriginal clients. For example, it is not suitable to refer to a dead person by name and Aboriginal people view hallucination or delusion as spiritual experience not necessarily as symptoms of mental illness. Eye contact is considered offensive to Aboriginal people. Making eye contact (particularly with some one of the opposite sex) is shaming. Gender rules within Aboriginal cultures are important and must be respected whenever possible regarding intervention. Ideally, women staff should work with women and male staff should work with men. Women may feel embarrassed talking to male staff and men may feel shame if helped by female staff. In building a trust with Aboriginal people, most Aboriginal people would prefer to work with an Aboriginal worker regarding their problems. However situations may arise where clients may know or be related to an Aboriginal worker. They may feel shame or be restricted through kinship rules in discussing personal problems with them. Fear that the worker will breach confidentiality with the local community may be another concern. Where possible, clients should be given the choice of both Aboriginal and non- Aboriginal workers. Aboriginal clients will usually take the initiative in seeking assistance when a crisis emerges, such as domestic violence or services being disconnected, or having no money to buy food and other essentials for their children. Aboriginal people would first consider practical forms of assistance, such crisis care, financial assistance, medical services, accommodation, food when a domestic problem arises. This sort of assistance is what they really need and want, not just â€Å"talk therapy†. Before they can sort out their basic living problems, they may not have the capacity or attention to deal with other psychological issues. Once Aboriginal clients have settled down and can take a calmer approach to their predicament, it still does not guarantee they will stay with the mental health service. It is not uncommon that once they have solved a problem, they will feel it not necessary to remain a part of the service but may come back a few months later for help when another issue arises. If mental health service workers, for example, have patiently developed a good relationship or rapport with them, counsellors can take advantage of this by reminding their clients of the good they can do when relationships or domestic situations are at risk. The ability of counsellors to invite clients to talk about their problems may make it possible to explore other problems. Aboriginal clients’ particular issues or crises may be linked to other problems, such as child abuse, alcoholism, mental health, unemployment and parenting problems. It is crucial for counsellors to build a trusting relationship with the Aboriginal community. A relationship that is simply based on â€Å"talk therapy† will not work for Aboriginal clients. Counsellors need to know where to get practical assistance for Aboriginal clients. Otherwise, Aboriginal clients may only turn to those services that they feel can really assist them. A counselling service that provides support and practical assistance can become a meaningful referral point within the Aboriginal community. Vietnamese refugees and counselling: My research found that there are three recommended points of entry for developing trust and rapport with Vietnamese refugees. These are: Self- presentation of the Counsellor; Approaching the problem and Working through an Issue. Self Presentation of the Counsellor: The style and presentation of the counsellor could be described as ‘being a friend’ to the traumatised client. ‘Being a friend’ does not at all mean shedding the professional counselling role with boundaries and ethics, but rather means that counsellors dealing with these clients should be caring, sharing and acting as a true friend would normally be. Communicating caring to Vietnamese clients is being friendly, warm, interested in family, attentive to concerns raised, being an empathic listener, trying to understand and respond to non-verbal communications, and being ready to assist with practical matters. Presenting ‘as a friend’ also means that counsellors may initially have to share, or disclose, a little more about themselves than usual. This is often necessary to put Vietnamese clients at ease and win their trust. Another dimension of being a ‘friendly’ counsellor is being a ‘friend in need’. Many counsellors of Indochinese refugee clients have found it vital to assume multiple helping roles and to be actively involved in providing them with practical assistance or concrete services that provide immediate results, before engaging them in dealing with past trauma or in making important self-disclosures. Approaching a problem: The success of establishing trust and rapport with Vietnamese clients is not only dependent upon the way that counsellors present themselves as described above, but also upon the way they approach a problem. Within Vietnamese culture there are distinct ways of dealing with problems. Prominent features of the Vietnamese style include indirect expression of feelings, reluctance to confront conflictual situations, preference for allowing time to work out seemingly insoluble problems, and reliance on personal inner strength in facing difficulties. Given the quite different ways of dealing with problems in Vietnamese culture, we would like to suggest that non-Vietnamese counsellors have to move slowly and gently and approach with the right timing. Following a respectful, slow pace suitable to the client is important, especially during the rapport building stage, to avoid jarring or offending the client. The timing of approaching the problem is important for maintaining the relationship and for resolving the problem. If the counsellor takes the initiative to bring up an issue, it is important to do this gently, keeping in mind the cultural norm of ‘saving face’ and the risk of confrontation. Working through an Issue: As issues begin to be worked through, there are three suggested ways of continuing to build rapport and trust with Vietnamese clients: working with somatisation, working from here and now and working through the family. A great number of Vietnamese refugees express their experience of emotional distress under the guise of physical symptoms such as headache, fatigue, insomnia. As somatisation is a culturally acceptable way of presenting mental problems, counsellors can work with these problems first, before moving onto deeper levels. Most Vietnamese refugees are concerned with day-to-day survival. Offering them practical assistance is seen as offering much needed help and assisting to set up a trusting relationship and also an external environment in which emotional issues can be more safely worked through. For Vietnamese, the family plays an important role, in a resettlement country as well as in their country of origin. It appears to be present and influential in many issues, which the Vietnamese client discusses in the session. The family can support or sabotage the relationship between the therapist and the patient. Therefore, in post-trauma counselling with Vietnamese clients, dealing with the family dimension is crucial for the building of trust and understanding and for the success of the intervention. As in all counselling interventions, it is essential to build trust between Vietnamese-born clients and their counsellors. Points of entry rather than barriers have been referred to in the three aspects of counselling refugees. Credibility and giving are seen as being crucial in this process. Counselling can be of great benefit to helping Vietnamese refugees on the road to recovery from trauma. Vietnamese refugees have a great need for company, because they have suffered multiple losses, including faith in the goodness of humanity. Through a counsellor establishing a trusting relationship with them, they could regain this faith, so as to enable them to live the life that they have made huge sacrifices for. Prior to undertaking this assignment I had felt that my cultural awareness of both the Aboriginal and Vietnamese communities was very high. I have travelled extensively in Vietnam and had the opportunity to teach English there. My research into trauma and Vietnamese refugee status in Australia has certainly changed a lot of my views. I could almost say that with my basic Vietnamese language and extensive travels I had been feeling almost complacency about dealing with Vietnamese clients. I have learned that there are many parallels between the Aboriginal and Vietnamese refugee cultures. Both are in trauma; both need to have their immediate needs met before effective counselling can take place. My research into Maslow’s hierarchy of Needs has certainly given the actual practice of counselling clients in trauma an effective framework to work within. As does Erikson’s Stages of Development. Traumatised clients will have interrupted stages of development. These will need to be addressed after the initial and immediate needs are met. I had also felt that I had a particularly good understanding of the Aboriginal culture, having worked in Indigenous education. My research for this assignment highlighted that there are many gaps to my understanding. I had not taken into account that many Aboriginal people are actually in severe crisis when they do seek help. Similar to the Vietnamese people in trauma, they would first try to find support within their kin, tribe or immediate family. When a breakdown of this occurs, outside help is sought but this is fraught with fear, shame and often misunderstanding. This has been a vital assignment for me to undertake and I will continue to seek current research and counselling developments in the areas of Aboriginal mental health and refugee trauma counselling. References Armstrong, T. (2002). Counselling Interventions and Indigenous mental health. Medicine Australia,http://www.medicineau.net.au/clinical/abhealth/abhealt1345.html. Blagg, H. (2000). Crisis Intervention in Aboriginal Family Violence, Summary report. Crime Research Centre, University of Western Australia. Chambers, A. (1990). Responding to Domestic Violence: Spouse Abuse. Guidelines to Practice. Department for Community Services, Western Australia, September 1990. Nguyen Robin Bowles authors, published in the Journal of Australian Social Work, June 1998.

Women And Personal Status Law In Iraq Politics Essay

Women And Personal Status Law In Iraq Politics Essay Personal Status law is the term applied to those provisions in a states constitution that refer to the areas of marriage, divorce, custody, and inheritance. In many countries these laws are constructed as part of a secular, civil code, with independent courts adjudicating disputes. Historically women have been much more sensitive to personal status laws, also referred to as family law, because of their position in the household as caregivers and matriarchs. The laws that pertain to personal status in Iraq have undergone three main periods of transformation; in pre-Gulf War Iraq, the original law of personal status was set in place on December 30, 1959; several of the provisions (articles) were then amended, a few dropped, and several more added throughout the 1970s; post-Gulf War Iraq was a crucial turning point in the transformation of the code when women began to see a decline in their personal status rights; the laws were altered yet again as a consequence of the U.S. led invasion in 2003 and the drafting of a new Iraqi Constitution. By looking at these three time periods and the prevailing political atmospheres, we can then see the negative transformation and state manipulation of the personal status law. The future of the status of women in Iraq and their rights as recognized in a personal status code will also be discussed. It will be clear from this examination that while women have been successful in exerting some influence on laws of personal status in Iraq, more often than not the laws have been manipulated as a political tool by those in power, irreverent of the needs or wants of the countrys female population. It is important to consider the development of international human rights perceptions in relation to the current debate in the Middle East. The purpose of this framework is to provide a foundation from which we can understand the source of significant tension between Sharia Law and Personal Status Law. Human rights formed in the West during the European Enlightenment. The idea that the rights of the individual should be of paramount importance in a political system emerged and the emphasis on individualism, humanism, and rationalism (Mayer, 44) is the basis for contemporary international human rights principles. These Western foundations do well to explain the cause of tension between the West and Islam over human rights but to understand where the source of tension lies, we must look at Islam as an institution. Islam is the cornerstone of Middle East culture and tradition. Regardless of modernization efforts, Islamic primacy still remains. The dominance of religion affects all aspects of life including the human rights discourse and, as a result, the Muslim position on human rights is complex. Muslims do not have a common belief about what the Islamic position on human rights is or the relationship of their cultural tradition to international human rights norms (Mayer, 11). The Middle East, by nature, is a deeply penetrated region dealing with the impact of Western persuasion throughout its history. Human rights concepts are just another standard that the Middle East has had to assimilate and apply to their countries. However, these concepts are also part of accepted international law and by acknowledging international law as the law of nations (Mayer, 12), Muslims are bound to these norms. Thus, Muslim rejection to international human rights on the basis of Islam is contradictory. Historically, there is no human rights tradition in Islamic civilization (Mayer, 73) and no existing criteria as to how Islamic institutions limit international human rights or is there any detail of what these restrictions would be. International law recognizes many rights protections are not absolute and may be suspended or qualified in exception circumstance such as wars or public emergencies or even in normal circumstances in the interests of certain overriding considerations  [1]  However, there are certain kinds of rights that cannot be limited. These include freedom and equality, equality before law, equal protection, fair and public hearing, freedom of religion, and equal rights in marriage, all of which are listed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). In addition to these absolute rights, the UDHR also includes definite standards regarding what constitutes permissible reasons for curbing human rights protections (Mayer, 76). For example, Article 29.2 states: In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.  [2]   A similar stipulation is also expressed in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) in Article 4: The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize that, in the enjoyment of those rights provided by the State in conformity with the present Covenant, the State may subject such rights only to such limitations as are determined by law only in so far as this may be compatible with the nature of these rights and solely for the purpose of promoting the general welfare in a democratic society.  [3]   It is clear that there are specific guidelines to restricting limits put on human rights exist; so then how does Islam seem to infringe upon these principles? Under international law, Muslims and non-Muslims cannot be deprived of their rights. However, there is no regulation that states that fundamental human rights may be curtailedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦by reference to the requirements of a particular religion (Mayer, 76). Nevertheless, human rights in the Middle East are being controlled under Sharia law and as a result, the rights that are established under international law are being qualified by standards that are not recognized in international law as legitimate bases for curtailing rights (Mayer, 77). Thus, it can be concluded that Sharia law is in direct conflict with democracy and human rights. More importantly, the overall conflict lies in the relationship between culture and human rights (An-Naim, 142). Sharia law is an integral part of Muslim society as it is the personal law of Islamic society. Most of the human rights violations related to Islam are inflicted on women especially regarding Personal Status law. Women in Pre-Gulf War Iraq CONDITIONS IN 1959 The late 1950s were a time of great change for Iraq. After years of living under the British mandate system and the subsequent rule of a pro-British monarch, a revolutionary new regime came to power on July 14, 1958. Led by Colonel Abd al-Salam Arif and Brigadier Abd al-Karim Qasim, the forces that overthrew the monarchy were united more by their distaste of the ruling regime, rather than by ideological means (Tripp, 149). Qasim quickly took advantage of his new position, consolidating power at the top of the state, and appointing himself Prime Minister, Minister of Defence, and Commander in Chief (Tripp, 152). The Iraq he took over was poor and underdeveloped, but under Qasim progressive laws were passed and early on groups were allowed to organize (including the Communist Party) to address the concerns and needs of what had previously been neglected aspects of society. These organizations, though allowed to operate openly were nevertheless still beholden to the state. One such grou p was the League for the Defense of Womens Rights, or al-Rabita, officially recognized by the government in 1958 though it had been active underground since 1952 (Efrati, 2). Al-Rabita was funded by the Communist Party, but established by professional Iraqi women to create widespread access to the kinds of opportunities which their own more privileged backgrounds had granted them (Tripp, 154). In this spirit the group focused on educational opportunities and political participation. They were also active in helping to draft and pass the Personal Status Code of 1959. Before 1959, Iraq had no civil code that addressed matters of personal status, which are of particular concern to women. The 1940s saw the first wave of educated women in Iraq, as female doctors and lawyers graduated from state universities (Tripp, 155). The women who had started organizing in 1952 were committed to combating issues of child marriages, polygamy, and the difficulty of divorce for women compared to the relative ease of divorce for men. These women were active in helping to draft the 1959 law and their president, Naziha al-Dulaymi, used her position as the Minister of Municipalit ies (and the first woman cabinet member in Iraq) to sit on the panel of specialists who prepared the law. Resistance was strong among the Sunni and Shia ulama; the Sunni were afraid that the income and prestige of the ulama would suffer, while the Shia clerics saw possible codification of a civil personal law as an encroachment on the realm of their mujtahids (Efrati, 3). It is unclear why Qasims government pushed through with the groundbreaking Personal Status Law No. 188 on December 30, 1959 (Efrati, 3). A possible reason for the ruling could have been Qasims was interest in unifying Iraq, not because he was necessarily an egalitarian, but because consolidation of the state made control easier, thereby increasing and protecting his power base. THE LAW OF 1959 The Personal Status Law was issued by decree in 1959 and contained two distinct innovations: It unified personal status law for Sunnis and Shia. Personal status law was now codified and written into law. Judges could no longer determine the law according to their own religious training; they simply had to apply the new code (Brown, 5). The new law had its basis in Sharia but made expert religious opinion unnecessary, taking control over personal status and the fate of women out of the hands of the religious leaders and putting it into the hands of the state. Underscoring how important a rift this caused among the emerging secular state and the religious clerics, author Michael Eppel writes that Shiite religious leaders opposition to this law was a catalyst in the Shiite awakening in Iraq (158). This uniform law was enacted to erase sectarian divisions and subject everyone to the same rules of the state. Important provisions of the law included: A marriage age of 18 (article 8). In special cases this could be lowered to 16. Required a womans consent to her marriage (articles 4 and 6). Set forth sanity and puberty as essential to the capacity to marry (article 7). Prohibited arbitrary divorce. Set strict limitations on polygamy, requiring the permission of a judge which could only be granted on two conditions: 1) the husband was financially able to support more than one wife (article 4a) or 2) that there was some lawful benefit involved (article 4b). Stipulated that mothers had the preferential right to custody of their children. Custody was granted until the age of seven, with an opportunity for the court to extend the age if necessary (article 57). Required that men and women be treated equally in matters of inheritance. Considered talaq to be invalid if spoken by a man whose mental capabilities were lacking (i.e. in cases of intoxication or anger). Allowed women to seek divorce through judicial means on grounds of injury or familial discord (Efrati and Coleman). The law was not perfect and did in fact contain many loopholes. Women activists wanted tougher punishments for forcing women to marry, a ban on polygamy and temporary marriages, as well as protection against marriage by proxy, which could undermine a womans right to consent by substituting a male guardian. Activists were also upset that men retained the right of no-fault divorce, where women had to prove injury, and that a womans consent was not necessary to resume a marriage after a talaq divorce. At the same time, however, the law contained many provisions considered extremely liberal and progressive. The inheritance law was considered a radical departure from Islamic teachings. Womens groups argued that differentiating between men and women in the issue of inheritance was not suitable for a progressive society (Efrati, 12). Women were now entering the workforce and helping to provide for the family; therefore they should be allowed an equal opportunity to support their income with inheritances. When clerics decried this move, Qasim defended the provision by saying that the verse in the Koran calling for a daughters inheritance to be half that of a sons was a recommendation, and not a requirement (Coleman, 3). Whatever the reason for the creation of the 1959 uniform personal status law, its creation gave Iraqi women a vast amount of secular rights, and gave them the most progressive rights for their sex in the Arab world. CHANGES OVER TIME 1963-80 The decades of the 1960s and 1970s were characterized by coup detats and political unrest in Iraq, as well as by fluctuating economic wealth and development, all of which contributed to a redefinition of womens rights. On February 8, 1963 Abd al-Salam Arif lead a coalition of nationalist Nasserite army officers and Bath party members in a successful coup against the Qasim government, bringing a new regime into power (Eppel 202). The Arif government, comprised of Bathist and Arab nationalists, was not united on ideological grounds, and factions within the parties were quickly at odds with each other. In March of 1963 they fought to amend the personal status law, instituting slight changes regarding polygamy and repealing the provisions applicable to inheritance, replacing them with rules more consonant with the Sharia (Efrati, 4). Both Arif and Prime Minister Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr wanted to repeal the law completely which they saw as irreconcilable with Islamic law, but were prevented f rom doing so due to infighting (Eppel, 216). These changes to the law proved to be temporary and were later amended in the 1970s. In 1968 yet another coup was launched, this time by the Bath party against Arifs brother, who had gained control of Iraq upon his brothers death. The Bath party stood for the power and unity of the Arab nation, and they rejected the Sunni/Shiite rift as an obstacle to this unity (Eppel, 232). In this vein they did not move to repeal the 1959 status law, in part because of its secular nature and also because they needed women to contribute to a stronger Iraq. The idea was that by empowering women personally it would encourage them to participate economically and politically. To facilitate their agenda the Bath introduced many state funded organizations aimed at redevelopment. Much like al-Rabita was created as a state controlled channel for womens participation in society, so too was the General Federation of Iraqi Women (GFIW) created when the Bath regime came to power in 1968 (Joseph, 182). The womens groups of the 1970s and early 80s had a reciprocal relationship with the Bath leadership. GFIW members were taught that they must serve and be loyal to the party and the state, and were encouraged to participate in a expanding public domain of social, cultural, political, and economic activities, helping to build a more solid and economically viable state (Joseph, 183). Joseph also writes that GFIW staff spent considerable time encouraging, among the membership, affection and loyalty to the head of the party and state, Saddam Hussein (183). In exchange for their loyalty to the state, the GFIW was given the role of implementing the changes in the laws of personal status, were allowed to host conferences of activist women, and were elevated in the public eye by Saddam Husseins frequent pronouncements and public appearances lauding the work and leaders of their organization (183). The Bath never let the GFIW go unchecked; women leaders were appointed by their party and its bu dget was derived from the state (Joseph, 182). What is most interesting is that it was men at the top of the Bath partys power structure that set forth the goals of the GFIW. One of these goals was to ensure the equality of Iraqi women with men in rights, in the economy and in the state (182). While other womens groups still operated, the GFIW took over as the main catalyst for the expression of female goals. With the creation of this group, women activists again channeled their energy into rectifying the changes made in 1963 to the personal status law, and to closing the loopholes resulting from the 1959 version. THE NEW PROVISIONAL CONSTITUTION In 1970, members of the General Federation of Iraqi Women decided the time was right to push for a new personal status law to replace the 1959 code and more importantly the restrictive amendments introduced in 1963. They pushed for greater reforms, and formulated a draft for a new family law that was presented to the regime in 1975 (Efrati, 4). While not all of their demands were met, several amendments to the personal status code were included in Iraqs Provisional Constitution in 1970 and 1978. Among the important changes: Article 19 declared all citizens equal before the law (regardless of sex). Divorce was permitted by judicial proceedings if the marriage took place before 18 years of age or without a judges approval. Forced marriages were nullified if not consummated, and divorce was allowed where the marriage was not consummated. New punishments were set for forcing marriage and for preventing marriage. Punishments were set for marriages contracted outside of the court A man who contracted a second marriage (without judicial permission) could be imprisoned for 3-5 years. A wife now had legal grounds for demanding a divorce if her husband took a second wife without permission by a judge. A woman could now have a no-fault divorce if the marriage was not yet consummated and the marriage expenses were returned to the husband. Situations under which a woman could obtain a judicial divorce were clarified and expanded, ex) adultery. Maternal custody was extended to the age of 10. At age 15 the child could choose whom to live with (Efrati, HRW and Joseph). The law still registered several shortcomings. It did not forbid marriages by proxy, did not go far enough with the maternal age of custody, and lowered the possible marriage age to 15 (from 16) if a judge saw that special circumstances prevailed. Another major blow to the hopes of womens groups was that no ban on polygamy was included. Activists still opposed article 3(5) which allowed a judge to decide whether wives could be treated equally (Efrati, 7). They contended that judges were ill-equipped to make such a decision, and that equal treatment was an impossibility, citing as reinforcement the Quranic verse which states Ye will not be able to deal equally between [your] wives, however much you wish [to do so]' (7). Other articles that remained unchanged from the 1959 version included articles 34, 38, and 39, which allowed for divorce outside of the court, and ensured that equal rights to divorce were not granted to women (9). Still the changes in the 1970s, though slight, did enc ourage the womens movement. Also, in January of 1971, Iraq ratified the International Covenants on Civil and Political rights (ICCPR) and Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), both of which provided equal protection to women under international law (HWR, 2). The central question here is why did the Bath party pay attention to womens demands for greater opportunities and rights? Women activists had been vocal about instituting change since the 1920s, and though successful in seeing the 1959 law passed, they had not encountered many reforms since. Womens groups were partly responsible for the additions, but their activities alone do not explain the shifts in policy put into place by the Bath government. Among the new initiatives were Labor and Employment laws which passed, allowing women opportunities to participate in the civil service sector, maternity benefits that were introduced, as well as other legislation (HRW, 2). According to Human Rights Watch, the Iraqi Bureau of Statistics reported that in 1976, women represented about 38.5 percent of those in the education sector, 31 percent in the medical field, 15 percent of civil servants and 25 percent of lab technicians. Women were also accorded the right to vote in 1980. When one consid ers that the first female graduates of educational institutions didnt emerge until the 1940s, this participation is highly accelerated. This increased economic participation then paved the way for slight changes to the personal status law. As Joseph writes, In so far as freeing women from familial controls to participate in the labour force and the polity was needed for the state-building programme, some revision of the personal status laws became necessary and useful (184). Thus, during this time period, due to the economic expansion of the state, the regime saw fit to expand womens participation and facilitated this through political means, by amending the personal status law. WAR YEARS The 1980s and 90s were a hard time for all Iraqis, and women were no exception. Two wars and a decade of U.N. sanctions ensured that womens groups had other more pressing concerns than the continued fight to amend the personal status code. In 1972, with the nationalization of Iraqs main commodity, oil, the states wealth increased and an economic boom contributed to advancement in education and the workforce for women. By the 1980s and 90s a slow-down occurred as these resources were diverted to pay for the Iran-Iraq war and later to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the Gulf war that followed. Throughout these decades women again became a tool of the state. Whereas before they had been co-opted with political reforms, now women, under threat of personal or familial harm, were urged in the 1980s and 1990s to put the state first and family second. Loyalty to the state was absolute. Divorce was now used as a weapon of the regime. Noga Efrati writes, women were encouraged to seek judicial divorce if their husbands evaded or deserted military service, defected to the enemy side, were convicted of treason, or held foreign citizenship and refrained from returning to Iraq for more than three years (10). During these years the GFIW did manage to convince President Saddam Hussein to pass a few resolutions, in special cases, but to the advantage of only a small number of women. Women in Post-Gulf War Iraq Beginning in the 1990s women started to see a dramatic reversal in their personal status rights. Joseph writes that the modest legal advances for women would be precariously balanced against the costs the Bath would incur by antagonizing other constituencies (184). The constituencies he speaks of are those of the religious leaders and the tribal chiefs, the same people whose support Saddam needed to court in order to retain power throughout the wars. Saddam made a decision to embrace Islamic and tribal traditions as a political tool in order to consolidate power (HWR, 3). In this vein Saddam manipulated and created law wherever it served his political purposes. In 1988 he legalized honour killings in Iraq, permitting men to kill their wives or female relatives if they were judged to have dishonoured the family name by committing adultery, which resulted in the deaths of an estimated 4,000 Iraqi women and girls (Tripp, 227, HWR). This reversal was a concession to Shia clerics. Womens access to the public and private sectors (including education) were also cut in order to ensure jobs for men during wartime and to help appease conservative religious and tribal groups (HWR). A combination of depressed economic and political factors in the late 1980s and early 1990s led to a regression of womens status and rights in Iraq, taking them back to traditional roles in the family. The 2003 Invasion and the New Iraqi Constitution With the U.S. led invasion in 2003, many activists both in and outside of Iraq expected a positive change in the status of women and hoped for the restoration of a progressive personal status code. The hope was that after removing Saddam from power, a new government, guided by an egalitarian Western power (the United States) would be able to resurrect and strengthen the original personal status law of 1959, ensuring more equal rights for women. Unfortunately it has been a bumpy road for female activists. The war and its aftermath have greatly reduced personal freedoms for all Iraqis, and attempts at preserving the personal status code have taken a back seat to preservation and personal safety. Progressives and women activists initially suffered a setback when in December 2003 the Iraqi Governing Council (IGC), under the control of Abd al-Aziz al-Hakim, the Shia cleric who leads the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI), passed Order 137 which seemed to set aside the 1959 personal status law (Brown, 6). Hakim had long been in opposition to the progressive personal status code, and used his opportunity as head of the rotating governing council to pass a measure that instilled Sharia and nullified the old code. According to Noga Efrati, women moved aggressively to fight Order 137, organizing a series of protests (1). One such protest drew activists representing 80 womens organizations, who carried placards that with slogans such as We Reject Decree 137 Which Sanctifies Sectarianism and Division in Iraqi Society and Family (1). Womens groups also held press conferences and high-level meetings with American provisional authorities to voice their concerns ov er the law, which in addition to nullifying an important code, was ambiguous and dangerous in its wording (Coleman, 3). Paul Bremer, leader of the Coalitional Provisional Authority, ended up vetoing Order 137, but the move by the Shia cleric foreshadowed the uphill fight women would have to face in a new, sectarian Iraq. In the final draft of the Constitution womens status in the new Iraq has not been clarified. In the October 2005 document, article 14 states that Iraqis are equal before the law without discrimination because of sex, but it also states that no law can be passed that contradicts the undisputed rules of Islam (Pollitt, 1). Whose version of Islam will govern is still up for debate. The law seems to indicate that Sunnis and Shia would be free to follow their own doctrine, and because it does not explicitly repeal or reference the 1959 law, scholars say the Constitution would appear to allow the continuation of the 1959 code of personal status for those who wanted to use it (Brown, 5). Sharia law could mean the return of unrestricted polygamy, divorce by talaq, honour killings, and a public death for perpetrators of adultery (Weinberg, 1). The picture becomes even more unclear when one looks at the Supreme Federal Court, also established by the Constitution. This Court will be made up of a number of judges and experts in Sharia and law (Pollitt, 1). It is unclear at this stage where there would be room for a civil court system. While the women of Iraq and the National Assembly managed to be successful in keeping the 1959 law intact, it seems that the country is destined to be divided along religious lines. Even if Iraq remains a unified country, the religious and sectarian splits in law could make adjudicating disputes incredibly difficult. What would happen in the case of a Sunni woman who is married to a Shia man? Would she have the right to visit a Sunni or secular court, or if the country reverts back to its patrimonial past, will she be forced to go to a Shia court. Perhaps she could pick whichever court is most advantageous to her cause. A Supreme Federal Court adjudicating on the basis of Sharia is also problematic for non-Muslims residing in Iraq. If Sharia is the law of the land, will non-Muslims also be subjected to it even though the constitution guarantees freedom of religion? The two main sects of Islam will most likely interpret family law differently, and women have gone from an even footing under secular law, to an unknown system that could test their resilience and forfeit their accustomed rights. Possible Transformations The fact is that the new Iraqi government has laid out a constitution which gives Islam a central role and which names the religion as a basic source of legislation (Pollitt, 1). Sharia has been recognized as a legitimizing factor, and therefore if women and moderates hope to advance the cause of womens rights in the new Iraq, they will probably have to do so within an Islamic framework. In the recent past women in other nations have also faced a change in their status, with different outcomes. One fear is the possibility of Iraq following in Irans footsteps, which would be a disastrous blow to the womens movement and to the hopes of those that wish to see Iraq modernize. With the coming of Irans revolution in 1979 and the attainment of power by religious clerics, the countrys progressive family law was suspended and within a few months new Sharia rulings lowered the marriage age to nine, permitted polygamy, gave fathers the right to decide who their daughters could marry, permitted unilateral divorce for men but not women, and gave fathers sole custody of children in the case of divorce (Coleman, 5). While a distinct possibility, this seems to be a fate Iraq has avoided with clauses in their Constitution that guarantee women an equal footing with men. Hopefully, Iraq will follow the letter of the law and will not suffer the same fate as Irans family law codes. Fortunately, there is precedent for a successful path to a change in womens status. Morocco and Indonesia have both seen extensive dialogue concerning their personal status codes, and each has discussed changes using Islam as a large part of their rationale. Morocco benefits from a large network of progressive nongovernmental organizations, which pushed to raise the marriage age from 15 to 18, abolish polygamy, equalize the right to divorce, and give women the right to retain custody of their children (Coleman, 5). As with Iraq, these progressive organizations were opposed by a large and vocal religious block within the country. In this case, the changes in the Sharia-based personal status laws were facilitated by a modernizing monarch, King Muhammad IV. He backed the reformers and in October 2003 presented Moroccos parliament with revisions to the law, defending his changes with references to the Koran and thereby placing the new law above reproach from religious leaders (Weitzman, 394). Iraq may not have the NGO strength of Morocco, but with the emergence of a charismatic, forward-thinking leader, as well as pressure from womens organizations and others from below, a reform along the lines of Moroccos experience could be achieved. In the case of Indonesia, grass-roots groups have started schooling women on Islamic jurisprudence so that they may hold their own religious debates. In 2004, Musdah Mulia, the chief researcher at Indonesias Ministry of Religious Affairs, proposed changes to the existing Sharia in the areas of marriage, polygamy, and the wearing of the hijab (Coleman, 5). She defended these changes in much the same way that King Muhammad of Morocco did, through references to

Looking at a Woman Essay -- Literary Analysis, Scott Russell

Women have made great advancements in improving their rights and roles within society and are now less likely to be viewed as inferior by males. Nevertheless, they are still facing many challenges including being perceived as objects and being expected to dress and behave a certain way. In his essay â€Å"Looking at Women,† Scott Russell Sanders analyzes how men often perceive women as objects because of their indecent wardrobe and their willingness to put their bodies on display. In her essay â€Å"Why Women Smile,† Amy Cunningham explains the value of a smile and how it does not always reflect how a woman is truly feeling on the inside. Both essays spend much time looking at women and how they are under the constant scrutiny from those around them. What the essays of Sanders and Cunningham illustrate is that, while trying to shake old stereotypes, women find their identities constructed from their external appearance. The problem is and remains that women are complic it in the shallow construction of female identity that trades depth for surface because they have bought into the idea that a woman must trade on her external appearance to succeed in her public life. Women celebrities often remark that the media negatively displays women and sexually objectifies them through many mediums such as film, TV, video games, and advertisements. However, there are many female stars that are willing to pose provocatively for a wide variety of men’s magazines such as Maxim, a European magazine targeted at men. Their hypocrisy in shooting the pictures invalidates the argument that men exploit female sexuality, as they are likewise eager to take those pictures. These women are so quick to jump at an opportunity to pose seductively for the camera, a... ... be viewed and represented. It is difficult to believe that they want to be understood as smart bright women when they appear so artificial and vain. Pretty looks can only take a woman so far before she must rely on her intelligence and skills. From their apparel to their body language to their facial expressions, women are constantly being examined by the public, and moreover by men. It is a cause and effect relationship since men looking at women makes women feel like objects, which in return makes them want to become like pieces of toys for men to stare at and play with. Sanders and Cunningham make it apparent that women are much more than their appearance, and have a lot more to offer than a provocative picture or a plastic smile. However, it is up to the women to change the way they portray themselves to the world if they want to be seen in a different light.

Freedom of the Press Essay -- The First Amendment

Freedom of the press is part of the five main freedoms represented in the first amendment of the constitution of the United States. The constitution was ratified in 1791 putting freedom of the press in full development. Since then many cases have evolved with this freedom, and the freedom had some role of developing future amendments and technology in modern day. Freedom of the press had a history even before its ratification, it helped to solve many court cases, and is used throughout modern times. First of all, this is the definition of freedom of the press from lawbrain.com. Freedom of the press guarantees the rights, â€Å"to gather, publish, and distribute information and ideas without government restriction or restraint†. Also it is guaranteed that Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of the press. This means that one can post his own opinions in a newspaper or a magazine and no matter what the story is, unless it does not follow the laws of libel, obscenity, or sedition it is legal to post. There have been many critics that said there is no difference between freedom of speech and freedom of the press. It was a key issue and was not resolved until the late 20th century. According to Chief Justice Warren E. Burger in 1978, there is no difference between freedom of speech and freedom of the press unless; â€Å"the courts or the government determine who or what the press is and what activities fall under its special protection†( Burger). The history of the Freedom of the Press leads to the middle 18th century, especially the Stamp Act of 1865 and the events that followed. Samuel Adams, a radical used the colonial press to resist the Stamp Act and repeal it. He succeeded and soon after the Stamp Act was repealed. After ... ...inition, Court Cases, Articles, History - LawBrain." Legal Community | LawBrain - Making Laws Accessible and Interactive. Web. 01 June 2011. . Dictionary.com | Find the Meanings and Definitions of Words at Dictionary.com. Web. 01 June 2011. . Branzburg v. Hayes/ New York Times v. United States/ Schenck v. United States http://www.oyez.org/cases/1970-1979/1971/1971_70_85 / / http://www.oyez.org/cases/1901-1939/1918/1918_437. "First Amendment Resources Freedom of Press History." Free First Amendment and Constitution Day Education Materials. Web. 01 June 2011. . "Sedition Act of 1798." Index. Web. 01 June 2011. .

Rabies: Closer Than You Think :: science

Rabies: Closer Than You Think Rabies, a virus of the nervous system and salivary glands is a fast moving killer; it’s not something to mess around with. Rabies comes from the Latin word â€Å"to rage†. Rabies is easily associated with rage. When people think of rabies, they usually think of a mad raccoon or dog, foaming at the mouth and running around crazy; dying soon after. The thought of going crazy is a pretty reasonable guess for how rabies torments its victims. The virus enters through a bite or transfer of infected saliva and makes its way through the nerves toward your spinal cord and brain. Obviously, rabies is an extremely deadly virus that affects the nervous system. Immediately after being bitten, you need to seek medical attention or death will come within a week. Rabies is a very fatal virus that, without proper medical attention, will kill its victims very swiftly, but there are ways to help. There is a vaccine for people who are likely to get rabies, and there is a vaccine that, if used immediately after the exposure to the rabid animal, can save the victim of rabies. These vaccines have saved the lives of many. Medical technology at its finest is what saves victims of these horrible diseases, but if you are too late and do not receive the proper treatment in time, well, death is a lot closer than you think. Rabies is a disease that requires fast treatment. Go too slow and all you can do is wait until death comes; painfully and tormenting you until you draw your last breath. Most often the cause of contamination is through the bite of a rabid animal. The virus then spreads through the nerves until it reaches the central nervous system (CNS) which is the spinal cord and the brain. Then the virus incubates in the infected creature’s body for approximately 3-12 weeks. The victim shows no signs of illness during this â€Å"incubation period†. When the virus reaches the brain, it multiplies rapidly, passes to the salivary glands, and the infected creature begins to show signs of disease. The infected creature usually dies within 1 week of becoming sick. Within four or five days, the victim my then either slip into a months long coma ending in death or die suddenly of cardiac arrest. Rabies is extremely dangerous. It’s important to treat the wound when you have been bitten, but the disease isn’t always transmitted through a bite.

Pre Sessional Research Essay Sustainability Environmental Sciences Essay

With the growing of its economic system, population and among other facets, China is confronting a huge job with sustainable development. Particularly in megacity like Beijing, conveyance is the cardinal issue. The big measure of private autos and the increasing figure of people lead to this effect. This essay is intend to demo the schemes to accomplish sustainability in conveyance in Beijing. Sustainable solutions can be made by the authorities or metropolis interior decorator to cut down the human develop impact to environment. The intent of the essay is exemplifying the state of affairs and jobs of conveyance in China and give solutions. In this essay, foremost of all, will present the economic system and population state of affairs of megacities in China and so demo the conveyance status. Then three big jobs will be illustrated in the 2nd portion. After that, it will give the definition of sustainable urbanism and turn to the importance of sustainable urbanism with regard to these issues. Then, is the debut of a type of public sustainable conveyance system. Some possible schemes that can utilize in Beijing to work out these jobs will be illustrated at the terminal.Situation of urban conveyance in megacities in ChinaThe current traffic state of affairs in China is non optimistic. Recent old ages, China has been known as a Potential world power because of its tremendous populations and billowing economic system. For the rapid development of most metropoliss in China, there are many challenges to face. As a consequence, the heavy urban transit system brings a batch of societal issues particularly environmental jobs. There are several facets that taking to a complicated conveyance system. Nowadays, the Chinese population is over 1.3 billion which makes China the most thickly settled state in the universe, accounting for one fifth of the universe ‘s entire population and continues to increase. ( Liu & A ; Bai, 2008 ) . For case, Beijing, one of the megacities besides the capital in China, is the national political, economic, every bit good as civilization centre. Beijing ‘s population history for merely 1.2 per centum of the whole state ‘s, whereas the green goodss about 3.7 per centum of China ‘s national Gross Domestic Product ( GDP ) ( National Bureau of Statistics of China 2007 ) . Indeed, the most portion of GDP is contributed by metropolis population. To be more Pierces ‘the disposal income of its urban occupants is 1.7 times the national degree. ‘ ( Oliver et al. 2009 ) . QQa†º?20120815004119.pngFigure 1: Chart of urbanisation advancement in China. ( Transport Unit, Infrastructure Dept. , East Asia & A ; Pacific Region 2005 ) Furthermore, with the rapid growing of economic system and population in China, people ‘s life criterions and incomes continue to lift. Therefore, there is a big ingestion demand of the measure of vehicle in China. Not merely for private autos, but besides for public: The measure of coach reached a reasonably high degree and the rail conveyance has been developed in some megacities like Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou. The undermentioned figure is about the vehicle possessing from1985 to 2007 in China and foreground the Numberss in Beijing. QQa†º?20120815005916.png Figure 2: Vehicle Population Growth in China and Beijing ( Oliver et al. 2009 ) As shown, China had a monolithic addition in vehicle population in about two decennaries and these are peculiarly fast in Beijing, particularly after the twelvemonth 2000. Until 2009, the officially registered motor vehicles in Beijing were soared from 0.7 to 3.6 million. ( Oliver et al. 2009 ) .The consequence of heavy conveyance on the environmentThe immense sum of vehicle population is the chief cause of traffic jobs. Most of megacities in China have an highly heavy traffic. Thus, many sorts of societal and environmental jobs will happen within this state of affairs. The most outstanding job is air pollution caused by the emanations from vehicles. The major pollutant among all harmful gas is carbon dioxide. As we can see in this pie chart: China ‘s C emanations accounted for about a one-fourth of the universe ‘s. Besides the line graph indicates that during the twelvemonth 1970 to 2010, the figure in China grew dramatically, particularly after 1995. world-carbon-emissions.gif.Figure 3: World C emanation ( China ‘s Energy Efficiency Gains, February 27th, 2009 ) Transportation system is one of the chief countries of nursery gas emanations. From 1994 to 2004, the China ‘s mean one-year growing rate is about 4 % of nursery gas emanations. ( Leggett, 2011 ) Therefore, due to the big figure of transit activities, the great ingestion of fuel would be another challenge. One of import facet of this job is the developing fabrication engineerings used in the Chinese motor vehicle industry and less developed care of autos. A typical illustration of this is the Beijing Jeep 212 expends 13 to 15 litres of oil while travel 100 kilometres and its overall dynamic public presentation is weak. This fuel ingestion rate is between 50 and100 per centum greater than the same type of landrover manufactured in industrialised states. ( He and Cheng, 2000 ) . Furthermore, due to the big measure of motor vehicles in China, traffic jam became a serious issue bit by bit. A study says that people in Beijing ‘s mean commuting clip is the longest among all the metropoliss in China, which takes 1.32 hours. Some of the chief roots in Beijing in haste hours merely like huge parking batch. Other megacities in China besides have similar job. So that, for the awful surface-transportation, more and more people depend on public conveyance like resistance.Sustainable urbanism ‘s function in these jobsAs for these important conveyance issue caused by the rapid development of China, sustainable schemes should be used in urban design. Sustainable urbanism is a research topic which fundamentally focuses on the jobs between worlds and the urban environment they live in. Steffen defined this field as an inter-disciplinary topic. He says ‘Green Urbanism is by definition interdisciplinary ; it requires the coaction of landscape designers, appl ied scientists, urban contrivers, ecologists, conveyance contrivers, physicists, psychologists, sociologists, economic experts and other specializers, in add-on to designers and urban interior decorators. ‘ ( 2011 ) Harmonizing to Herbert Girardet, ‘a sustainable metropolis enables all its citizens to run into their ain demand and to heighten their wellbeing, without degrading the natural universe or the lives of other people, now or in the hereafter ‘ . ( 2004, P.6. ) . Therefore, one benefit of utilizing sustainable urbanism is the decrease of pollution. To accomplish this, most importance, ‘is to maintain something traveling over the long tally. ‘ ( Adhya, Plowright, and Stevens, 2010 ) That is to state that sustainable urbanism is a long term procedure. The manner people get along with the environment, how life continued is the procedure.Example of a sort of sustainable conveyance systemIn fact, utilizing public conveyances to let go of conveyance force per unit areas is a sort of sustainable scheme. Some metropoliss in China have an advanced conveyance system. At U.S. Transportation Research Board ( TRB ) one-year meeting, Guangzhou, Zhongshan Road Bus Rapid Transit ( BRT ) system won the ‘2011 sustainable Transport Award ‘ , issued by the Sustainable Transport Award Commission. This is the first clip that a Chinese metro polis had received this award. A Bus Rapid Transit ( abbreviated BRT ) is a sort of a new public conveyance system between Rapid Rail Transit ( abbreviated RRT ) and Normal Bus Transit ( abbreviated NBT ) . This system is a manner of monolithic transit of people. It has normally been referred to as ‘the resistance system on the land ‘ . It is a alone urban rider conveyance system that used modern coach engineering every bit good as intelligent traffic and operations direction, to do the coach lane roads and building of a new coach station to accomplish the rail conveyance operator services. The undermentioned illustration can demo bus rapid theodolite system can work expeditiously. If a carriageway used by a auto, it will let seven hundred autos base on balls by, that is about 2,000 people. However if the lane is designed for coach rapid theodolite, there will be 100 coach passed by per hr, that can be transported about 15,000 people. In the state of affairs of the mass population in China, coach rapid theodolite system usage of a little portion of route resources expeditiously and besides can guarantee that most of the population in the metropolis is fluxing. Besides, utilizing a BRT system besides can cut down the usage of private vehicles and can protect the air. If the public transit becomes truly convenient and comfy, some of the auto proprietor might abandon the old manner. Furthermore, the ingestion of fuel might cut down and the more of import than this is that it can restrict the emanation of vehicles. Besides, by utilizing this system, will cut down the route screen country and give abode more free infinite. As Elkin and McLaren said ‘the demand for roads chows into the metropolis ‘s public unfastened infinite. ‘ ( 1991, P52. )Particular solutions in BeijingBeijing has a population of 15 million and held a measure over 3 million vehicles. And the figure is billowing at an dismaying rate of 1,500 per twenty-four hours. For such a megacity in China, there are three solutions that can take to a sustainable development of conveyance. First, urban contrivers should pay attending to the route betterment. The rational allotment traffic watercourse and prosaic flow should be based on the existent state of affairs of different subdivisions. For illustration, for two narrow parallel streets utilizing unidirectional shunt method. Besides Beijing has to take advantage of the bing planning methods in other topographic points. Such as the concept high-accessible and high coverage of urban transit web ; constructing high-efficient urban conveyance services system and better coach service degrees and the urban traffic safety. Until now, there merely are merely three BRT line in Beijing. Because the particular bus manner of Beijing ‘s BRT line is less and there are many assorted line subdivisions. So it is non fast plenty and there is no coach in the haste hours and societal vehicle ever occupancy the coach lanes. Consummate the BRT system will do Beijing accomplish more comfy and more efficient public conveyance condit ions. In add-on, the betterment of vehicle is besides indispensable. China has already begun to utilize clean energy coachs, but the measure of these sort of coach is little. Clean energy is like H energy or ethanol energy. We need to increase the usage of such a clean energy scheme in conveyance. Besides it is of import to better vehicle public presentation and cut down the vehicle kilometres travelled ( VKT ) . Furthermore, authorities demands to transport out economic policy and public policy to cover with the traffic jobs. They should enforcing auto purchase revenue enhancement to cut down the volume of car trade, so as to command the figure the vehicles on route. Besides a part of economic subsidies is needed to back up the betterment of the public conveyance environment and the development of new energy vehicles. Finally, bettering emanation criterions is the best manner to command high-emission autos going in the metropolis. The authorities should besides promote people to walk or rhythm to school or work.DecisionIn decision, to plan a conveyance system in a sustainable manner is the tendency of development. The ground that the ingestion of vehicles is billowing is that the quickly developing economic and the increasing figure of populations. However, this consequence leads to a big sum of gas pollution, helter-skelter traffic and waste of non-renewable energy. Due to these jobs, susta inability of a metropolis will be a cardinal portion of urban design. It is no uncertainty that we can non populate in a topographic point without fresh air. Therefore, we need to protect the environment for ourselves and do it sustainable for our kids. Therefore, people live in the urban country should n't merely wait for authorities policy to restrict or explicate. Never get tired of making small good things to the environment. Every bantam attempt of any metropolis occupant will garner together and hold a immense power that can alter the universe.